Chamar and Sino Bahiskar Aandolan: A Brief Account

 

Suraj Dhakal

Ujjwal Prasai

405.27 Social Movements and Writing

18 May 2018

Chamar and Sino Bahiskar Aandolan: A Brief Account

This paper attempts to shed light on why and how Chamar community fought against the tradition that pushed them into the swamp of inequality and social injustice.

Subjugation of Chamar: A Reflection

Chamar community — one of the most marginalized and discriminated Dalit communities of Nepal[1], and also known for its multiple surnames including Ram, Harijan, Mahara, Mochi and Rabidas (Krishna B. Bhattachan) — is placed at the most bottom position of social hierarchy for its traditional livelihood practice. (Paswan 226-227) Subjugation of Chamar was primarily rooted in landlessness and Balighare Pratha[2] wherein males were held responsible for dispose of cattle carcass and females worked as midwives. This traditional occupation was enforced in such a way that only Chamar were held responsible removal of carcass. Eventually, this very tradition turned out to be the sole reason for severe discrimination against them. Since most Chamar were landless, their only means of subsistence was sale of raw leather extracted form cattle carrion. Chamar, for generations, earned their livelihood at the cost extreme social injustice, and the vicious cycle of poverty made them stick to their traditional occupation. (Paswan 231-233)  

Photo Credit: Times of India

Sino Bahiskar Aandolan: A Brief Account

Sino Bahiskar Aandolan, a civil disobedience movement against a tradition that forced Chamar[3] to dispose cattle carcasses from higher caste households, grabbed a significant attention in national and international arena back in 1999. Regardless of its belated publicity in late 1990s, the foundation of the movement dates back to early 1950s when first institutionalized attempt to shun the tradition was made along with the establishment of community based organization named Nepal Harijan Sudhar Sangh (Paswan 224-225).

The first phase of the movement was active in improvisation of the tradition than its complete abandonment. Thus, by the end of April 1958, the movement managed to stop Chamar of Saptari, Siraha and Dhanusa from consuming carrion meat. Moreover, the first phase of movement also includes struggle against contractors of state-owned Bansbari Leather and Shoes Factory. Back then, Chamar were forced to sell raw leather to local contractors at scrap value notwithstanding higher value in Indian market[4]. Nepal Harijan Sudhar Sangh continuously fought against those contractors for more than two decades; and subsequently government decided to shut down leather contract system in 1982 (Paswan 229-230)

            The second phase of Sino Bahiskar Aandolan, often touted as a milestone in liberation of Chamar, took the movement one step further thereby not only shunning the carrion meat but also by completely shunning the tradition. It was spearheaded by social activist Baldev Ram, a recipient of Dr. Ambedkar International Prize. Baldev’s struggle against social injustice and inequality was profound. Back in 1964, Baldev initiated a campaign against unfair distribution of land demanding that poor Dalit tenants get the ownership of the land they sharecropped on. In the same year, Land Reform Act was passed, which opened legal-avenue for resolving landlessness of tenants.[5] Baldev’s involvement on land reform campaign established him as an opinion leader of the community; and his thus formed persona — combined with Chamar’s prolonged antagonism — contributed to the success of Sino Bahiskar Aandolan. A community gathering, called upon by Baldev Ram after seeing his relatives eat meat form carcasses, served as a cornerstone of the movement. Then, in the following months of July 1999, Baldev was active in raising awareness against consumption of carcass meat and also against dispose of animal carcasses without any pay. (Yadav) Subsequently, Baldev — in collaboration among several non-governmental development agencies including Action Aid and other so-called lower caste communities including Musahar and Dusadh — managed to completely shun animal carrion in his village Madhupatti, Saptari. Regardless of its constant disapproval from higher caste communities as well as that from state authority[6], the carcass boycott movement managed to stretche to other district of Saptari’s vicinity. Back then, the movement had grabbed notable attention in national and international arena for it was rigorously and regularly reported by country’s national dallies, particularly by Kantipur and The Kathmandu Post. (Jha)

Futile Oppositions to the Movement

Sino Bahiskar Movement, notwithstanding its subsequent success, on its initial phase was besieged by higher castes including Yadav and Chaudhary to a great extent. Higher caste members, in opposition to Chamar’s solidarity, organized together to form a Chamar Boycott Committee. Economic blockade, social boycott, termination from employment and prohibition in use of public properties like roads and forests were some of the tools higher castes used to make Chamar stop the movement. Once the news about economic blockade was reported rigorously by national dailies, attention of human right activists, Dalit right activists and that of government was drawn. Regardless of these oppositions, Sino Bahiskar Movement was already at a point of no return. Subsequently on 24 March 2000, after series of negotiations, a four-point’s agreement as of following was signed between Dalit right activists and Chamar Boycott Committee.

1.      No individual shall be forced to dispose carcass, and municipality office shall maintain alternative arrangements for it.

2.      Individuals willing to dispose carcass on their own shall not be stopped.

3.      Illegal and inhuman economic blockade imposed upon Chamar shall be withdrawn urgently.

4.      Aforementioned decisions shall apply to all. If violated, legal actions shall be taken. (Paswan 239-241)

Sino Bahiskar Movement, in the first hand, raised awareness among Chamar about inequality and social injustice associated with the traditional caste-based occupation they practiced without a second thought. Moreover, the movement helped Chamar get rid of mandatory responsibility imposed upon them to dispose cattle carcass. However, discrimination is still pervasive for most Chamar do not have any alternative means of livelihood other than working with cattle carcass.

Works Cited

Jha, Abadhesh Kumar. "Baldev Ram, who fought for Dalits and landless people, dies at 67." 02 August 2017. eKantipur. 12 March 2018 <http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2017-08-02/baldev-ram-who-fought-for-dalits-and-landless-people-dies-at-67.html>.

Krishna B. Bhattachan, Tej B. Sunar, Yasso Kanti Bhattachan. Caste-based Discrimination in Nepal. Working Paper Series. New Delhi: Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, 2009.

Paswan, Bhola. "Carcass Boycott Struggle in Siraha and Saptari: Madhesi Dalit's Collectivism and Resistance." Protest against Subjucation: Struggle Stories of Nepalese Dalits. Kathmandu: Samata Foundation, 2013.

Rajendra Senchurey, Bhakta Nepali. "Unequal exchange." 24 November 2013. The Kathmandu Post. 15 May 2018 <http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2013-11-24/unequal-exchange.html>.

Yadav, Mithilesh. "Social activist Baldev Ram dies at 74." 02 August 2017. myRepublica. 09 March 2018 <http://www.myrepublica.com/news/24903/>.

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[1] Based on telephone interview with Saptari, Nepal based journalist Bhola Paswan

[2] Tradition wherein so-called lower castes (Dalits) serve so-called higher caste people with their traditional occupations and in return get food grains (bali) periodically from each harvest. (Rajendra Senchurey)

[3] Nepal’s one of the most marginalized so called low caste community

[4] Back then, the price of raw leather in Indian market was ten times than the amount paid by Nepalese contractors. (Paswan)

[5] Second chapter of Land Reform Act 1964 contains provisions for issuing land ownership certificate to tenants under the supervision of land reform officer.

[6] Chandra Kishor, op-ed columnist at Kathmandu based newspaper, writes that the movement was condemned in parliament back in 1999.